Genetic Influence
We
now test whether genetic influence on sexual orientation is expressed. Here, we
use the data in its dyadic form. If genetic influence were expressed in these
data, MZ twins should have the highest concordance for same-sex erotic
preference, and unrelated and half-siblings the lowest.
Table
5 is based on pairs in which at least one respondent reports a same-sex
romantic attraction (N=527 pairs).
|
Table 5: Concordance of same-sex romantic attraction by type of pair and gender for sibling pairs in which at least one sibling reports same-sex romantic attraction |
||||||
|
|
All |
Male |
Female |
|||
|
Type of pair |
N |
% |
N |
% |
N |
% |
|
Monozygotic Twins |
45 |
6.7 |
26 |
7.7 |
19 |
5.3 |
|
Dizygotic Twins |
83 |
7.2 |
48 |
4.2 |
35 |
11.4 |
|
Full Siblings |
183 |
5.5 |
89 |
4.5 |
94 |
6.4 |
|
Other |
216 |
4.2 |
110 |
2.7 |
106 |
5.7 |
|
All |
527 |
5.3 |
273 |
4.0 |
254 |
6.7 |
|
P (Fisher.s exact test) |
.630 |
.564 |
.651 |
|||
Table
5 shows that there is no evidence for strong genetic influence on same-sex
preference in this sample. Among MZ twins, 6.7 % are concordant. DZ twin pairs
are 7.2% concordant. Fullsiblings are 5.5 % concordant. Clearly, the observed
concordance rates do not correspond to degrees of genetic similarity. None of
the comparisons between MZ twins and others in table 5 are even remotely
significant17. If same-sex
romantic attraction has a genetic component, it is massively overwhelmed by
other factors. As argued above, it is more likely that any genetic influence,
if present, can only be expressed in specific and circumscribed social
structures.
_______________________________________________
16 Table
4 shows odds ratios and associated 95% confidence intervals from a logistic
regression with population weights. Standard errors are corrected for the
sample design. The sample for table 4 is restricted to non-twins for whom
self-reported total number of full siblings corresponds to the number of full
siblings living in the household. Twins were excluded to avoid confounding with
the opposite-sex twin effect reported above. Repeating the same analysis shown
in table 4 for the full sample or various subsets, and with different
operationalizations of sibship structure, such as the various indices specified
in the literature (Blanchard 1997), did not yield a birth order effect.
17
Nevertheless, there is evidence of familial similarity across
all pairs of related siblings . the probability that any randomly matched pair
would be concordant under independence is less than 1%. Note also that for
males (but not for females) the differences are in the expected direction
(concordance rates increase with increasing relatedness). The percentage point
differences are so small, however, that we would require a very large sample of
twins to obtain statistical significance. The sample size needed for a two-sample
comparison with the proportions estimated for male MZ and DZ twins from Add Health is approximately
795 twin pairs for each group. If prevalence and concordance rates reported in
this paper approximate the true values, this requires approximately an 8 %
sample of the entire relevant population in the
Strana 12
The single
social structure we observe that is consistent with an argument for genetic
expression is that of restricted gender socialization associated with
first-born OS twin pairs.
Discussion
The
findings presented in this paper confirm some findings from previous research
and stand in marked contrast to most previous research in a number of respects.
First, we find no evidence for intrauterine transfer of hormone effects on
social behavior. Second, we find no support for genetic influences on same-sex
preference net of social structural constraints. Third, we find no evidence for
a speculative evolutionary model of homosexual preference. Finally, we find
substantial indirect evidence in support of a socialization model at the
individual level. Here we consider why our results differ from previous work.
Subsequently, we consider the significance of these results for understanding
the etiology of same-sex attraction.
Substantially
higher concordance for homosexual orientation has been reported in previous
research. We believe that previous work is largely incorrect as a result of
reliance on nonrepresentative samples, for example, readers of gay
publications, and reliance on indirect evidence. Specifically, while some studies
obtained reports on sexual orientation from both siblings, others relied on one
individual.s report on his or her sibling.s sexual orientation. These data
structures are clearly associated with potential bias on the dependent
variable. Kendler et al. (2000), however, report substantially higher
concordance rates for self-reported sexual orientation
among
adults in a study that overcomes some of these obvious methodological flaws. In
this instance, the inflation of concordance may be a product of an interaction
between small sample size and subtle selection dynamics. Specifically, their
sibling and twin response rates were low.18
If
individuals jointly participate
in a study, and self-selection dynamics are present, as they likely are in this
case, then concordance on traits other than willingness to participate in a
study is to be expected. Consequently, we consider their concordance rates for
same-sex orientation to be higher than would be expected under study designs
less susceptible to self-selection.
In
this study, we consider adolescent same-sex romantic attraction. The proportion
of adolescents reporting same-sex attraction is significantly higher than the
proportion reporting same-sex sexual experience. While it is possible that
genetic expression on attraction is weak, whereas genetic expression on
behavior is stronger, it seems more likely that the obverse should be true.
Much of what we know about the etiology of adult homosexuality is derived from
life stories of selfidentified homosexuals. These narratives often identify
early same-sex romantic attraction as a constituent element in
identity-formation. In addition to attraction, opportunity has to present itself.
Since opportunity is clearly socially structured, our expectation is that
social influences should be stronger for behavior than attraction.Whether a
strong pathway between adolescent same-sex romantic attraction and
self-identified homosexual identity exists, or whether it is the product of
narrative demands for coherent lifestories, is unclear. There is clearly a
strong association in our data between attraction and behavior, but the number
of adolescents involved in homosexual relationships is too small in our sample
to assess genetic influence statistically with any confidence. However, if the
previous hypothesis were correct, it would suggest that socialization
experiences might shape desire, but
____________________________________________________
18
Kendler et al. (2000) do not report the final response rate for
their samples. From their sample description (p. 1844) we calculate a response
rate of 18% for twin pairs, and 14% for the sample of siblings. The difference
in concordance between MZ and DZ twins is not statistically significant
(p=.203, own calculations based on data given in Kendler et al., table 1, p.
1845). In fact, inference about whether the proportion of concordant pairs
among a population of MZ twins is .32 rather than .13 (the concordance reported
for DZ twins) requires a sample size of at least 51 pairs, while Kendler et al.
have data for only 19 pairs.
Strana 13
pathway
from attraction to behavior. This study shows that for OS twins, in the absence
of strong gender socialization, the proportion of male adolescents with
same-sex attraction is twice as high as observed in the population as a whole.
If there is genetic influence on same sex romantic preference, it expresses
itself within a narrow and circumscribed social context characterized by
equality. But this is exactly where one
would
expect such expression, where social and cultural constraints governing sexual
identity and orientation are least developed, and consequently, least
constraining. Our findings reject simple genetic influence models. They are
entirely consistent with a more general model that identifies the specific
social structural contexts in which one would expect to observe genetic
influence, for this, and an array of other outcome variables.
Social
scientists not long ago left individual-level causes of sexual attraction and
behavior to the biologists, choosing instead to focus on the striking
cross-cultural differences in the organization of sexual expression. This
article considers how such individual variation that we do observe could be
organized. We test an old, and simple idea: culturally gender-neutral
socialization experiences are likely to be associated with less patterned (for
that culture) expressions of gender identity, of which sexual attraction is a
key element. We find support for this idea: only in families with OS twins
without an older same-sex sibling do we observe a substantially increased
probability of same-sex attraction for males. For females, the observed rate in
these contexts is roughly one-half the national norm. It is possible that some
other subtle unmeasured dynamic is
going
on, but as we can rule out simple genetic, hormonal, or evolutionary arguments,
the main emphasis must point to socialization experiences. Here, we identify
just one structure for socialization effects.
In
general, social scientists hostile to the idea of genetic influence on social
behavior should keep in mind the simple truism that without opportunity,
genetic expression on behavior is impossible. Some stark examples should
suffice: genetic expression for alcoholism is impossible in cultures without
alcohol, population groups without food cannot express a genetic predisposition
for obesity. Of course, examples of the complete elimination of opportunity for
genetic expression are few and far between. Social structure may eliminate the
possibility of genetic expression for some groups, but not all. This fact alone
suggests one, perhaps paradoxical, reason why we observe an effect for male,
but not female, OS twins. Against this background, therefore, the scope
conditions of the findings reported in this article are also relatively clear.
If there are no
main
effects for genetics, we would not expect to observe genetic expression on
romantic attraction except in cultures, like ours, where socialization regimes
insist on the close linkage between cultural ideals of masculinity and
femininity and sexual expression. In contrast, if there are genetic main
effects, they would visible redominantly in cultures where such linkage is
absent. Nonetheless, the idea that genetic influence, if present, should be
insensitive to social categories in its expression is simply wrong. One should
look to social structure to understand observed outcomes . especially for those
that are thought to be shaped in some way by genetic inheritance.
